Book 2
49 B.C.
"caes.civ.2.1": [2.1] While these things were going forward in Spain, Caius
Trebonius, Caesar's lieutenant, who had been left to conduct the assault of
Massilia, began to raise a mound, vineae, and turrets against the town, on two
sides; one of which was next the harbor and docks, the other on that part where
there is a passage from Gaul and Spain to that sea which forces itself up the
mouth of the Rhone. For Massilia is washed almost on three sides by the sea, the
remaining fourth part is the only side which has access by land. A part even of
this space, which reaches to the fortress, being fortified by the nature of the
country, and a very deep valley, required a long and difficult siege. To
accomplish these works, Caius Trebonius sends for a great quantity of carriages
and men from the whole Province, and orders hurdles and materials to be
furnished. These things being provided, he raised a mound eighty feet in height.
"caes.civ.2.2": [2.2] But so great a store of every thing necessary for a war
had been a long time before laid up in the town, and so great a number of
engines, that no vineae made of hurdles could withstand their force. For poles
twelve feet in length, pointed with iron, and these too shot from very large
engines, sank into the ground through four rows of hurdles. Therefore the arches
of the vineae were covered over with beams a foot thick, fastened together, and
under this the materials of the agger were handed from one to another. Before
this was carried a testudo sixty feet long, for leveling the ground, made also
of very strong timber, and covered over with every thing that was capable of
protecting it against the fire and stones thrown by the enemy. But the greatness
of the works, the height of the wall and towers, and the multitude of engines
retarded the progress of our works. Besides, frequent sallies were made from the
town by the Albici, and fire was thrown on our mound and turrets. These our men
easily repulsed, and, doing considerable damage to those who sallied, beat them
back into the town.
"caes.civ.2.3": [2.3] In the mean time, Lucius Nasidius, being sent by Cneius
Pompey with a fleet of sixteen sail, a few of which had beaks of brass, to the
assistance of Lucius Domitius and the Massilians, passed the straits of Sicily
without the knowledge or expectation of Curio, and, putting with his fleet into
Messana, and making the nobles and senate take flight with the sudden terror,
carried off one of their ships out of dock. Having joined this to his other
ships, he made good his voyage to Massilia, and having sent in a galley
privately, acquaints Domitius and the Massilians of his arrival, and earnestly
encourages them to hazard another battle with Brutus's fleet with the addition
of his aid.
"caes.civ.2.4": [2.4] The Massilians, since their former loss, had brought
the same number of old ships from the docks, and had repaired and fitted them
out with great industry: they had a large supply of seamen and pilots. They had
got several fishing-smacks, and covered them over, that the seamen might be
secure against darts: these they filled with archers and engines. With a fleet
thus appointed, encouraged by the entreaties and tears of all the old men,
matrons, and virgins to succor the state in this hour of distress, they went on
board with no less spirit and confidence than they had fought before. For it
happens, from a common infirmity of human nature, that we are more flushed with
confidence, or more vehemently alarmed at things unseen, concealed, and unknown,
as was the case then. For the arrival of Lucius Nasidius had filled the state
with the most sanguine hopes and wishes. Having got a fair wind, they sailed out
of port and went to Nasidius to Taurois, which is a fort belonging to the
Massilians, and there ranged their fleet and again encouraged each other to
engage and communicated their plan of operation. The command of the right
division was given to the Massilians, that of the left to Nasidius.
"caes.civ.2.5": [2.5] Brutus sailed to the same place with an augmented
fleet; for to those made by Caesar at Arelas were added six ships taken from the
Massilians, which he had refitted since the last battle and had furnished with
every necessary. Accordingly, having encouraged his men to despise a vanquished
people whom they had conquered when yet unbroken, he advanced against them full
of confidence and spirit. From Trebonius's camp and all the higher grounds it
was easy to see into the town-how all the youth which remained in it, and all
persons of more advanced years, with their wives and children, and the public
guards, were either extending their hands from the wall to the heavens, or were
repairing to the temples of the immortal gods, and prostrating themselves before
their images, were entreating them to grant them victory. Nor was there a single
person who did not imagine that his future fortune depended on the issue of that
day; for the choice of their youth and the most respectable of every age, being
expressly invited and solicited, had gone on board the fleet, that if any
adverse fate should befall them they might see that nothing was left for them to
attempt, and, if they proved victorious, they might have hopes of preserving the
city, either by their internal resources or by foreign assistance.
"caes.civ.2.6": [2.6] When the battle was begun, no effort of valor was
wanting to the Massilians, but, mindful of the instructions which they had a
little before received from their friends, they fought with such spirit as if
they supposed that they would never have another opportunity to attempt a
defense, and as if they believed that those whose lives should be endangered in
the battle would not long precede the fate of the rest of the citizens, who, if
the city was taken, must undergo the same fortune of war. Our ships being at
some distance from each other, room was allowed both for the skill of their
pilots and the maueuvering of their ships; and if at any time ours, gaining an
advantage by casting the iron hooks on board their ships, grappled with them,
from all parts they assisted those who were distressed. Nor, after being joined
by the Albici, did they decline coming to close engagement, nor were they much
inferior to our men in valor. At the same time, showers of darts, thrown from a
distance from the lesser ships, suddenly inflicted several wounds on our men
when off their guard and otherwise engaged; and two of their three-decked
galleys; having descried the ship of Decimus Brutus, which could be easily
distinguished by its flag, rowed up against him with great violence from
opposite sides: but Brutus, seeing into their designs, by the swiftness of his
ship extricated himself with such address as to get clear, though only by a
moment. From the velocity of their motion they struck against each other with
such violence that they were both excessively injured by the shock; the beak,
indeed, of one of them being broken off, the whole ship was ready to founder,
which circumstance being observed, the ships of Brutus's fleet, which were
nearest that station, attack them when in this disorder and sink them both.
"caes.civ.2.7": [2.7] But Nasidius's ships were of no use, and soon left the
fight; for the sight of their country, or the entreaties of their relations, did
not urge them to run a desperate risk of their lives. Therefore, of the number
of the ships not one was lost: of the fleet of the Massilians five were sunk,
four taken, and one ran off with Nasidius: all that escaped made the best of
their way to Hither Spain, but one of the rest was sent forward to Massilia for
the purpose of bearing this intelligence, and when it came near the city, the
whole people crowded out to hear the tidings, and, on being informed of the
event, were so oppressed with grief, that one would have imagined that the city
had been taken by an enemy at the same moment. The Massilians, however, began to
make the necessary preparations for the defense of their city with unwearied
energy.
"caes.civ.2.8": [2.8] The legionary soldiers who had the management of the
works on the right side, observed, from the frequent sallies of the enemy, that
it might prove a great protection to them to build a turret of brick under the
wall for a fort and place of refuge, which they at first built low and small,
[to guard them] against sudden attacks. To it they retreated, and from it they
made defense if any superior force attacked them; and from it they sallied out
either to repel or pursue the enemy. It extended thirty feet on every side, and
the thickness of the walls was five feet. But afterward, as experience is the
best master in every thing on which the wit of man is employed, it was found
that it might be of considerable service if it was raised to the usual height of
turrets, which was effected in the following manner.
"caes.civ.2.9": [2.9] When the turret was raised to the height for flooring,
they laid it on the walls in such a manner that the ends of the joists were
covered by the outer face of the wall, that nothing should project to which the
enemy's fire might adhere. They, moreover, built over the joists with small
bricks as high as the protection of the plutei and vineae permitted them; and on
that place they laid two beams across, angle-ways, at a small distance from the
outer walls, to support the rafters which were to cover the turret, and on the
beams they laid joists across in a direct line, and on these they fastened down
planks. These joists they made somewhat longer, to project beyond the outside of
the wall, that they might serve to hang a curtain on them to defend and repel
all blows while they were building the walls between that and the next floor,
and the floor of this story they faced with bricks and mortar, that the enemy's
fire might do them no damage; and on this they spread mattresses, lest the
weapons thrown from engines should break through the flooring, or stones from
catapults should batter the brick work. They, moreover, made three mats of cable
ropes, each of them the length of the turret walls, and four feet broad, and,
hanging them round the turret on the three sides which faced the enemy, fastened
them to the projecting joists. For this was the only sort of defense which, they
had learned by experience in other places, could not be pierced by darts or
engines. But when that part of the turret which was completed was protected and
secured against every attempt of the enemy, they removed the plutei to other
works. They began to suspend gradually, and raise by screws from the
first-floor, the entire roof of the turret, and then they elevated it as high as
the length of the mats allowed. Hid and secured within these coverings, they
built up the walls with bricks, and again, by another turn of the screw, cleared
a place for themselves to proceed with the building; and, when they thought it
time to lay another floor, they laid the ends of the beams, covered in by the
outer bricks in like manner as in the first story, and from that story they
again raised the uppermost floor and the mat-work. In this manner, securely and
without a blow or danger, they raised it six stories high, and in laying the
materials left loop-holes in such places as they thought proper for working
their engines.
"caes.civ.2.10": [2.10] When they were confident that they could protect the
works which lay around from this turret, they resolved to build a musculus,
sixty feet long, of timber, two feet square, and to extend it from the brick
tower to the enemy's tower and wall. This was the form of it: first, two beams
of equal length were laid on the ground, at the distance of four feet from each
other; and in them were fastened small pillars, five feet high, which were
joined together by braces, with a gentle slope, on which the timber which they
must place to support the roof of the musculus should be laid: upon this were
laid beams, two feet square, bound with iron plates and nails. To the upper
covering of the musculus and the upper beams, they fastened laths, four fingers
square, to support the tiles which were to cover the musculus. The roof being
thus sloped and laid over in rows in the same manner as the joists were laid on
the braces, the musculus was covered with tiles and mortar, to secure it against
fire, which might be thrown from the wall. Over the tiles hides are spread, to
prevent the water let in on them by spouts from dissolving the cement of the
bricks. Again, the hides were covered over with mattresses, that they might not
be destroyed by fire or stones. The soldiers under the protection of the vineae,
finish this whole work to the very tower; and suddenly, before the enemy were
aware of it, moved it forward by naval machinery, by putting rollers under it,
close up to the enemy's turret, so that it even touched the building.
"caes.civ.2.11": [2.11] The townsmen, affrighted at this unexpected stroke,
bring forward with levers the largest stones they can procure, and pitching them
from the wall, roll them down on the musculus. The strength of the timber
withstood the shock; and whatever fell on it slid off, on account of the sloping
roof. When they perceived this, they altered their plan, and set fire to
barrels, filled with resin and tar, and rolled them down from the wall on the
musculus. As soon as they fell on it, they slid off again, and were removed from
its side by long poles and forks. In the mean time, the soldiers, under cover of
the musculus, were rooting out with crow-bars the lowest stones of the enemy's
turret, with which the foundation was laid. The musculus was defended by darts,
thrown from engines by our men from the brick tower, and the enemy were beaten
off from the wall and turrets; nor was a fair opportunity of defending the walls
given them. At length several stones being picked away from the foundation of
that turret next the musculus, part of it fell down suddenly, and the rest, as
if following it, leaned forward.
"caes.civ.2.12": [2.12] Hereupon, the enemy distressed at the sudden fall of
the turret, surprised at the unforeseen calamity, awed by the wrath of the gods,
and dreading the pillage of their city, rush all together out of the gate
unarmed, with their temples bound with fillets, and suppliantly stretch out
their hands to the officers and the army. At this uncommon occurrence, the whole
progress of the war was stopped, and the soldiers, turning away from the battle,
ran eagerly to hear and listen to them. When the enemy came up to the commanders
and the army, they all fell down at their feet, and besought them "to wait till
Caesar's arrival; they saw that their city was taken, our works completed, and
their tower undermined, therefore they desisted from a defense; that no obstacle
could arise, to prevent their being instantly plundered at a beck, as soon as he
arrived, if they refused to submit to his orders." They inform them that, "if
the turret had entirely fallen down, the soldiers could not be withheld from
forcing into the town and sacking it, in hopes of getting spoil." These and
several other arguments to the same effect were delivered, as they were a people
of great learning, with great pathos and lamentations.
"caes.civ.2.13": [2.13] The lieutenants moved with compassion, draw off the
soldiers from the work, desist from the assault, and leave sentinels on the
works. A sort of truce having been made through compassion for the besieged, the
arrival of Caesar is anxiously awaited; not a dart was thrown from the walls or
by our men, but all remit their care and diligence, as if the business was at an
end. For Caesar had given Trebonius strict charge not to suffer the town to be
taken by storm, lest the soldiers, too much irritated both by abhorrence of
their revolt, by the contempt shown to them, and by their long labor, should put
to the sword all the grown up inhabitants, as they threatened to do. And it was
with difficulty that they were then restrained from breaking into the town, and
they were much displeased, because they imagined that they were prevented by
Trebonius from taking possession of it.
"caes.civ.2.14": [2.14] But the enemy, destitute of all honor, only waited a
time and opportunity for fraud and treachery. And after an interval of some
days, when our men were careless and negligent, on a sudden, at noon, when some
were dispersed, and others indulging themselves in rest on the very works, after
the fatigue of the day, and their arms were all laid by and covered up, they
sallied out from the gates, and, the wind being high and favorable to them, they
set fire to our works; and the wind spread it in such a manner that, in the same
instant, the agger, plutei, testudo, tower, and engines all caught the flames
and were consumed before we could conceive how it had occurred. Our men, alarmed
at such an unexpected turn of fortune, lay hold on such arms as they could find.
Some rush from the camp; an attack is made on the enemy: but they were
prevented, by arrows and engines from the walls; from pursuing them when they
fled. They retired to their walls, and there, without fear, set the musculus and
brick tower on fire. Thus, by the perfidy of the enemy and the violence of the
storm, the labor of many months was destroyed in a moment. The Massilians made
the same attempt the next day, having got such another storm. They sallied out
against the other tower and agger, and fought with more confidence. But as our
men had on the former occasion given up all thoughts of a contest, so, warned by
the event of the preceding day, they had made every preparation for a defense.
Accordingly, they slew several, and forced the rest to retreat into the town
without effecting their design.
"caes.civ.2.15": [2.15] Trebonius began to provide and repair what had been
destroyed, with much greater zeal on the part of the soldiers; for when they saw
that their extraordinary pains and preparations had an unfortunate issue, they
were fired with indignation that, in consequence of the impious violation of the
truce, their valor should be held in derision. There was no place left them from
which the materials for their mound could be fetched, in consequence of all the
timber, far and wide, in the territories of the Massilians, having been cut down
and carried away; they began therefore to make an agger of a new construction,
never heard of before, of two walls of brick, each six feet thick, and to lay
floors over them of almost the same breadth with the agger, made of timber. But
wherever the space between the walls, or the weakness of the timber, seemed to
require it, pillars were placed underneath and traversed beams laid on to
strengthen the work, and the space which was floored was covered over with
hurdles, and the hurdles plastered over with mortar. The soldiers, covered over
head by the floor, on the right and left by the wall, and in the front by the
mantlets, carried whatever materials were necessary for the building without
danger: the business was soon finished-the loss of their laborious work was soon
repaired by the dexterity and fortitude of the soldiers. Gates for making
sallies were left in the wall in such places as they thought proper.
"caes.civ.2.16": [2.16] But when the enemy perceived that those works, which
they had hoped could not be replaced without a great length of time, were put
into so thorough repair by a few day's labor and diligence, that there was no
room for perfidy or sallies, and that no means were left them by which they
could either hurt the men by resistance or the works by fire, and when they
found by former examples that their town could be surrounded with a wall and
turrets on every part by which it was accessible by land, in such a manner that
they could not have room to stand on their own fortifications, because our works
were built almost on the top of their walls by our army, and darts could be
thrown from our hands, and when they perceived that all advantage arising from
their engines, on which they had built great hopes, was totally lost, and that
though they had an opportunity of fighting with us on equal terms from walls and
turrets, they could perceive that they were not equal to our men in bravery,
they had recourse to the same proposals of surrender as before.
"caes.civ.2.17": [2.17] In Further Spain, Marcus Varro, in the beginning of
the disturbances, when he heard of the circumstances which took place in Italy,
being diffident of Pompey's success, used to speak in a very friendly manner of
Caesar. That though, being pre-engaged to Cneius Pompey in quality of
lieutenant, he was bound in honor to him, that, nevertheless, there existed a
very intimate tie between him and Caesar; that he was not ignorant of what was
the duty of a lieutenant, who bore an office of trust; nor of his own strength,
nor of the disposition of the whole province to Caesar. These sentiments he
constantly expressed in his ordinary conversation, and did not attach himself to
either party. But afterward, when he found that Caesar was detained before
Massilia, that the forces of Petreius had effected a junction with the army of
Afranius, that considerable reinforcements had come to their assistance, that
there were great hopes and expectations, and heard that the whole Hither
province had entered into a confederacy, and of the difficulties to which Caesar
was reduced afterward at Ilerda for want of provisions, and Afranius wrote to
him a fuller and more exaggerated account of these matters, he began to regulate
his movements by those of fortune.
"caes.civ.2.18": [2.18] He made levies throughout the province; and, having
completed his two legions, he added to them about thirty auxiliary cohorts; he
collected a large quantity of corn to send partly to the Masilians, partly to
Afranius and Petreius. He commanded the inhabitants of Gades to build ten ships
of war; besides, he took care that several others should be built in Spain. He
removed all the money and ornaments from the temple of Hercules to the town of
Gades, and sent six cohorts thither from the province to guard them, and gave
the command of the town of Gades to Caius Gallonius, a Roman knight, and friend
of Domitius, who had come thither sent by Domitius to recover an estate for him;
and he deposited all the arms, both public and private, in Gallonius's house. He
himself [Varro] made severe harangues against Caesar. He often pronounced from
his tribunal that Caesar had fought several unsuccessful battles, and that a
great number of his men had deserted to Afranius. That he had these accounts
from undoubted messengers, and authority on which he could rely. By these means
he terrified the Roman citizens of that province, and obliged them to promise
him for the service of the state one hundred and ninety thousand sesterces,
twenty thousand pounds weight of silver, and a hundred and twenty thousand
bushels of wheat. He laid heavier burdens on those states which he thought were
friendly disposed to Caesar, and billeted troops on them; he passed judgment
against some private persons, and condemned to confiscation the properties of
those who had spoken or made orations against the republic, and forced the whole
province to take an oath of allegiance to him and Pompey. Being informed of all
that happened in Hither Spain, he prepared for war. This was his plan of
operations. He was to retire with his two legions to Gades, and to lay up all
the shipping and provisions there. For he had been informed that the whole
province was inclined to favor Caesar's party. He thought that the war might be
easily protracted in an island, if he was provided with corn and shipping.
Caesar, although called back to Italy by many and important matters, yet had
determined to leave no dregs of war behind him in Spain, because he knew that
Pompey had many dependents and clients in the hither province.
"caes.civ.2.19": [2.19] Having therefore sent two legions into Further Spain
under the command of Quintus Cassius, tribune of the people; he himself advances
with six hundred horse by forced marches, and issues a proclamation, appointing
a day on which the magistrates and nobility of all the states should attend him
at Corduba. This proclamation being published through the whole province, there
was not a state that did not send a part of their senate to Corduba, at the
appointed time; and not a Roman citizen of any note but appeared that day. At
the same time the senate at Corduba shut the gates of their own accord against
Varro, and posted guards and sentinels on the wall and in the turrets, and
detained two cohorts (called Colonicae, which had come there accidentally), for
the defense of the town. About the same time the people of Carmona, which is by
far the strongest state in the whole province, of themselves drove out of the
town the cohorts, and shut the gates against them, although three cohorts had
been detached by Varro to garrison the citadel.
"caes.civ.2.20": [2.20] But Varro was in greater haste on this account to
reach Gades with his legion as soon as possible, lest he should be stopped
either on his march or on crossing over to the island. The affection of the
province to Caesar proved so great and so favorable, that he received a letter
from Gades, before he was far advanced on his march: that as soon as the
nobility of Gades heard of Caesar's proclamation, they had combined with the
tribune of the cohorts, which were in garrison there, to drive Gallonius out of
the town, and to secure the city and island for Caesar. That having agreed on
the design they had sent notice to Gallonius, to quit Gades of his own accord
while he could do it with safety; if he did not, they would take measures for
themselves; that for fear of this Gallonius had been induced to quit the town.
When this was known, one of Varro's two legions, which was called Vernacula,
carried off the colors from Varro's camp, he himself standing by and looking on,
and retired to Hispalis, and took post in the market and public places without
doing any injury, and the Roman citizens residing there approved so highly of
this act, that every one most earnestly offered to entertain them in their
houses. When Varro, terrified at these things, having altered his route,
proposed going to Italica, he was informed by his friends that the gates were
shut against him. Then indeed, when intercepted from every road, he sends word
to Caesar, that he was ready to deliver up the legion which he commanded. He
sends to him Sextus Caesar, and orders him to deliver it up to him. Varro,
having delivered up the legion, went to Caesar to Corduba, and having laid
before him the public accounts, handed over to him most faithfully whatever
money he had, and told him what quantity of corn and shipping he had, and where.
"caes.civ.2.21": [2.21] Caesar made a public oration at Corduba, in which he
returned thanks to all severally: to the Roman citizens, because they had been
zealous to keep the town in their own power; to the Spaniards, for having driven
out the garrison; to the Gaditani, for having defeated the attempts of his
enemies, and asserted their own liberty; to the Tribunes and Centurions who had
gone there as a guard, for having by their valor confirmed them in their
purpose. He remitted the tax which the Roman citizens had promised to Varro for
the public use: he restored their goods to those who he was informed had
incurred that penalty by speaking too freely, having given public and private
rewards to some he filled the rest with flattering hopes of his future
intentions; and having staid two days at Corduba, he set out for Gades; he
ordered the money and ornaments which had been carried away from the temple of
Hercules, and lodged in the houses of private persons, to be replaced in the
temple. He made Quintus Cassius governor of the province, and assigned him four
legions. He himself, with those ships which Marcus Varro had built, and others
which the Gaditani had built by Varro's orders, arrived in a few days at
Tarraco, where embassadors from the greatest part of the nearer province waited
his arrival. Having in the same manner conferred marks of honor both publicly
and privately on some states, he left Tarraco, and went thence by land to Narbo,
and thence to Massilia. There he was informed that a law was passed for creating
a dictator, and that he had been nominated dictator by Marcus Lepidus the
praetor.
"caes.civ.2.22": [2.22] The Massilians, wearied out by misfortunes of every
sort, reduced to the lowest ebb for want of corn, conquered in two engagements
at sea, defeated in their frequent sallies, and struggling moreover with a fatal
pestilence, from their long confinement and change of victuals (for they all
subsisted on old millet and damaged barley, which they had formerly provided and
laid up in the public stores against an emergency of this kind), their turret
being demolished, a great part of their wall having given way, and despairing of
any aid, either from the provinces or their armies, for these they had heard had
fallen into Caesar's power, resolved to surrender now without dissimulation. But
a few days before, Lucius Domitius, having discovered the intention of the
Massilians, and having procured three ships, two of which he gave up to his
friends, went on board the third himself, having got a brisk wind, put out to
sea. Some ships, which by Brutus's orders were constantly cruising near the
port, having espied him, weighed anchor, and pursued him. But of these, the ship
on board of which he was, persevered itself, and continuing its flight, and by
the aid of the wind got out of sight: the other two, affrighted by the approach
of our galleys put back again into the harbor. The Massilians conveyed their
arms and engines out of the town, as they were ordered: brought their ships out
of the port and docks, and delivered up the money in their treasury. When these
affairs were dispatched, Caesar, sparing the town more out of regard to their
renown and antiquity than to any claim they could lay to his favor, left two
legions in garrison there, sent the rest to Italy, and set out himself for Rome.
"caes.civ.2.23": [2.23] About the same time Caius Curio, having sailed from
Sicily to Africa, and from the first despising the forces of Publius Attius
Varus, transported only two of the four legions which he had received from
Caesar, and five hundred horse, and having spent two days and three nights on
the voyage, arrived at a place called Aquilaria, which is about twenty-two miles
distant from Clupea, and in the summer season has a convenient harbor, and is
inclosed by two projecting promontories. Lucius Caesar the son, who was waiting
his arrival near Clupea with ten ships which had been taken near Utica in a war
with the pirates, and which Publius Attius had had repaired for this war,
frightened at the number of our ships, fled the sea, and running his
three-decked covered galley on the nearest shore, left her there and made his
escape by land to Adrumetum. Caius Considius Longus, with a garrison of one
legion, guarded this town. The rest of Caesar's fleet, after his flight, retired
to Adrumetum. Marcus Rufus, the quaestor, pursued him with twelve ships, which
Curio had brought from Sicily as convoy to the merchantmen, and seeing a ship
left on the shore, he brought her off by a towing rope, and returned with his
fleet to Curio.
"caes.civ.2.24": [2.24] Curio detached Marcus before with the fleet to Utica,
and marched thither with his army. Having advanced two days, he came to the
river Bagrada, and there left Caius Caninius Rebilus, the lieutenant, with the
legions; and went forward himself with the horse to view the Cornelian camp,
because that was reckoned a very eligible position for encamping. It is a
straight ridge, projecting into the sea, steep and rough on both sides, but the
ascent is more gentle on that part which lies opposite Utica. It is not more
than a mile distant from Utica in a direct line. But on this road there is a
spring, to which the sea comes up, and overflows; an extensive morass is thereby
formed; and if a person would avoid it, he must make a circuit of six miles to
reach the town.
"caes.civ.2.25": [2.25] Having examined this place, Curio got a view of
Varus's camp, joining the wall and town, at the gate called Bellica, well
fortified by its natural situation, on one side by the town itself, on the other
by a theater which is before the town, the approaches to the town being rendered
difficult and narrow by the very extensive out-buildings of that structure. At
the same time he observed the roads very full of carriages and cattle, which
they were conveying from the country into the town on the sudden alarm. He sent
his cavalry after them to plunder them and get the spoil. And at the same time
Varus had detached as a guard for them six hundred Numidian horse, and four
hundred foot, which king Juba had sent to Utica as auxiliaries a few days
before. There was a friendship subsisting between his [Juba's] father and
Pompey, and a feud between him and Curio, because he, when a tribune of the
people, had proposed a law, in which he endeavored to make public property of
the kingdom of Juba. The horse engaged; but the Numidians were not able to stand
our first charge; but a hundred and twenty being killed, the rest retreated into
their camp near the town. In the mean time, on the arrival of his men of war,
Curio ordered proclamation to be made to the merchant ships, which lay at anchor
before Utica, in number about two hundred, that he would treat as enemies all
that did not set sail immediately for the Cornelian camp. As soon as the
proclamation was made, in an instant they all weighed anchor and left Utica, and
repaired to the place commanded them. This circumstance furnished the army with
plenty of every thing.
"caes.civ.2.26": [2.26] After these transactions, Curio returned to his camp
to Bragada; and by a general shout of the whole army was saluted imperator. The
next day he led his army to Utica, and encamped near the town. Before the works
of the camp were finished, the horse upon guard brought him word that a large
supply of horse and foot sent by king Juba were on their march to Utica, and at
the same time a cloud of dust was observed, and in a moment the front of the
line was in sight. Curio, surprised at the suddenness of the affair, sent on the
horse to receive their first charge, and detain them. He immediately called off
his legions from the work, and put them in battle array. The horse began the
battle: and before the legions could be completely marshaled and take their
ground, the king's entire forces being thrown into disorder and confusion,
because they had marched without any order, and were under no apprehensions,
betake themselves to flight: almost all the enemy's horse being safe, because
they made a speedy retreat into the town along the shore, Caesar's soldiers slay
a great number of their infantry.
"caes.civ.2.27": [2.27] The next night two Marsian centurions with twenty-two
men belonging to the companies, deserted from Curio's camp to Attius Varus.
They, whether they uttered the sentiments which they really entertained, or
wished to gratify Varus (for what we wish we readily give credit to, and what we
think ourselves, we hope is the opinion of other men), assured him, that the
minds of the whole army were disaffected to Curio, that it was very expedient
that the armies should be brought in view of each other, and an opportunity of a
conference be given. Induced by their opinion, Varus the next day led his troops
out of the camp: Curio did so in like manner, and with only one small valley
between them, each drew up his forces.
"caes.civ.2.28": [2.28] In Varus's army there was one Sextus Quintilius Varus
who, as we have mentioned before, was at Corfinium. When Caesar gave him his
liberty, he went over to Africa; now, Curio had transported to Africa those
legions which Caesar had received under his command a short time before at
Corfinium; so that the officers and companies were still the same, excepting the
change of a few centurions. Quintilius, making this a pretext for addressing
them, began to go round Curio's lines, and to entreat the soldiers "not to lose
all recollection of the oath which they took first to Domitius and to him their
quaestor, nor bear arms against those who had shared the same fortune, and
endured the same hardships in a siege, nor fight for those by whom they had been
opprobriously called deserters." To this he added a few words by way of
encouragement, what they might expect from his own liberality, if they should
follow him and Attius. On the delivery of this speech, no intimation of their
future conduct is given by Curio's army, and thus both generals led back their
troops to their camp.
"caes.civ.2.29": [2.29] However, a great and general fear spread through
Curio's camp, for it is soon increased by the various discourses of men. For
every one formed an opinion of his own; and to what he had heard from others,
added his own apprehensions. When this had spread from a single author to
several persons, and was handed from one another, there appeared to be many
authors for such sentiments as these: "That it was a civil war; that they were
men; and therefore that it was lawful for them to act freely, and follow which
party they pleased." These were the legions which a short time before had
belonged to the enemy; for the custom of offering free towns to those who joined
the opposite party had changed Caesar's kindness. For the harshest expressions
of the soldiers in general did not proceed from the Marsi and Peligni, as those
which passed in the tents the night before; and some of their fellow soldiers
heard them with displeasure. Some additions were also made to them by those who
wished to be thought more zealous in their duty.
"caes.civ.2.30": [2.30] For these reasons, having called a council, Curio
began to deliberate on the general welfare. There were some opinions, which
advised by all means an attempt to be made, and an attack on Varus's camp; for
when such sentiments prevailed among the soldiers, they thought idleness was
improper. In short, they said "that it was better bravely to try the hazard of
war in a battle, than to be deserted and surrounded by their own troops, and
forced to submit to the greatest cruelties." There were some who gave their
opinion, that they ought to withdraw at the third watch to the Cornelian camp;
that by a longer interval of time the soldiers might be brought to a proper way
of thinking; and also, that if any misfortune should befall them, they might
have a safer and readier retreat to Sicily, from the great number of their
ships.
"caes.civ.2.31": [2.31] Curio, censuring both measures, said, "that the one
was as deficient in spirit, as the other exceeded in it: that the latter advised
a shameful flight, and the former recommended us to engage at a great
disadvantage. For on what, says he, can we rely that we can storm a camp,
fortified both by nature and art? Or, indeed, what advantage do we gain if we
give over the assault, after having suffered considerable loss; as if success
did not acquire for a general the affection of his army, and misfortune their
hatred? But what does a change of camp imply but a shameful flight and universal
despair, and the alienation of the army? For neither ought the obedient to
suspect that they are distrusted, nor the insolent to know that we fear them;
because our fears augment the licentiousness of the latter, and diminish the
zeal of the former. But if, says he, we were convinced of the truth of the
reports of the disaffection of the army (which I indeed am confident are either
altogether groundless, or at least less than they are supposed to be), how much
better to conceal and hide our suspicions of it, than by our conduct confirm it?
Ought not the defects of an army to be as carefully concealed as the wounds in
our bodies, lest we should increase the enemy's hopes? but they moreover advise
us to set out at midnight, in order, I suppose, that those who attempt to do
wrong may have a fairer opportunity; for conduct of this kind is restrained
either by shame or fear, to the display of which the night is most averse.
Wherefore, I am neither so rash as to give my opinion that we ought to attack
their camp without hopes of succeeding; nor so influenced by fear as to despond:
and I imagine that every expedient ought first to be tried; and I am in a great
degree confident that I shall form the same opinions as yourselves on this
matter."
"caes.civ.2.32": [2.32] Having broken up the council, he called the soldiers
together, and reminded them "what advantage Caesar had derived from their zeal
at Corfinium; how by their good offices and influence he had brought over a
great part of Italy to his interest. For, says he, all the municipal towns
afterward imitated you and your conduct; nor was it without reason that Caesar
judged so favorably, and the enemy so harshly of you. For Pompey, though beaten
in no engagement, yet was obliged to shift his ground, and leave Italy, from the
precedent established by your conduct. Caesar commited me, whom he considered
his dearest friend, and the provinces of Sicily and Africa, without which he was
not able to protect Rome or Italy, to your protection. There are some here
present who encourage you to revolt from us; for what can they wish for more,
than at once to ruin us, and to involve you in a heinous crime? or what baser
opinions could they in their resentment entertain of you, than that you would
betray those who acknowledged themselves indebted to you for every thing, and
put yourselves in the power of those who think they have been ruined by you?
Have you not heard of Caesar's exploits in Spain? that he routed two armies,
conquered two generals, recovered two provinces, and effected all this within
forty days after he came in sight of the enemy? Can those who were not able to
stand against him while they were uninjured, resist him when they are ruined?
Will you, who took part with Caesar while victory was uncertain, take part with
the conquered enemy when the fortune of the war is decided, and when you ought
to reap the reward of your services? For they say that they have been deserted
and betrayed by you, and remind you of a former oath. But did you desert Lucius
Domitius, or did Lucius Domitius desert you? Did he not, when you were ready to
submit to the greatest difficulties, cast you off? Did he not, without your
privacy, endeavor to effect his own escape? When you were betrayed by him, were
you not preserved by Caesar's generosity? And how could he think you bound by
your oath to him, when, after having thrown up the ensigns of power, and
abdicated his government, he became a private person, and a captive in another's
power? A new obligation is left upon you, that you should disregard the oath, by
which you are at present bound; and have respect only to that which was
invalidated by the surrender of your general, and his diminution of rank. But I
suppose, although you are pleased with Caesar, you are offended with me;
however, I shall not boast of my services to you, which still are inferior to my
own wishes or your expectations. But, however, soldiers have ever looked for the
rewards of labor at the conclusion of a war; and what the issue of it is likely
to be, not even you can doubt. But why should I omit to mention my own diligence
and good fortune, and to what a happy crisis affairs are now arrived? Are you
sorry that I transported the army safe and entire, without the loss of a single
ship? That on my arrival, in the very first attack, I routed the enemy's fleet?
That twice in two days I defeated the enemy's horse? That I carried out of the
very harbor and bay two hundred of the enemy's victualers, and reduced them to
that situation that they can receive no supplies either by land or sea? Will you
divorce yourselves from this fortune and these generals; and prefer the disgrace
of Corfinium, the defeat of Italy, the surrender of both Spains, and the
prestige of the African war? I, for my part, wished to be called a soldier of
Caesar's; you honored me with the title of Imperator. If you repent your bounty,
I give it back to you; restore to me my former name that you may not appear to
have conferred the honor on me as a reproach."
"caes.civ.2.33": [2.33] The soldiers, being affected by this oration,
frequently attempted to interrupt him while he was speaking, so that they
appeared to bear with excessive anguish the suspicion of treachery, and when he
was leaving the assembly they unanimously besought him to be of good spirits,
and not hesitate to engage the enemy and put their fidelity and courage to a
trial. As the wishes and opinions of all were changed by this act, Curio, with
the general consent, determined, whenever opportunity offered, to hazard a
battle. The next day he led out his forces and ranged them in order of battle on
the same ground where they had been posted the preceding day; nor did Attius
Varus hesitate to draw out his men, that, if any occasion should offer, either
to tamper with our men or to engage on equal terms he might not miss the
opportunity.
"caes.civ.2.34": [2.34] There lay between the two armies a valley, as already
mentioned, not very deep, but of a difficult and steep ascent. Each was waiting
till the enemy's forces should attempt to pass it, that they might engage with
the advantage of the ground. At the same time on the left wing, the entire
cavalry of Publius Attius, and several light-armed infantry intermixed with
them, were perceived descending into the valley. Against them Curio detached his
cavalry and two cohorts of the Marrucini, whose first charge the enemy's horse
were unable to stand, but, setting spurs to their horses, fled back to their
friends: the light-infantry being deserted by those who had come out along with
them, were surrounded and cut to pieces by our men. Varus's whole army, facing
that way, saw their men flee and cut down. Upon which Rebilus, one of Caesar's
lieutenants, whom Curio had brought with him from Sicily knowing that he had
great experience in military matters, cried out, "You see the enemy are daunted,
Curio! why do you hesitate to take advantage of the opportunity?" Curio, having
merely "expressed this, that the soldiers should keep in mind the professions
which they had made to him the day before," then ordered them to follow him, and
ran far before them all. The valley was so difficult of assent that the foremost
men could not struggle up it unless assisted by those behind. But the minds of
Attius's soldiers being prepossessed with fear and the flight and slaughter of
their men, never thought of opposing us; and they all imagined that they were
already surrounded by our horse, and, therefore, before a dart could be thrown,
or our men come near them, Varus's whole army turned their backs and retreated
to their camp.
"caes.civ.2.35": [2.35] In this flight one Fabius, a Pelignian common soldier
in Curio's army, pursuing the enemy's rear, with a loud voice shouted to Varus
by his name, and often called him, so that he seemed to be one of his soldiers,
who wished to speak to him and give him advice. When Varus, after been
repeatedly called, stopped and looked at him, and inquired who he was and what
he wanted, he made a blow with his sword at his naked shoulder and was very near
killing Varus, but he escaped the danger by raising his shield to ward off the
blow. Fabius was surrounded by the soldiers near him and cut to pieces; and by
the multitude and crowds of those that fled, the gates of the camps were
thronged and the passage stopped, and a greater number perished in that place
without a stroke than in the battle and flight. Nor were we far from driving
them from this camp; and some of them ran straightway to the town without
halting. But both the nature of the ground and the strength of the
fortifications prevented our access to the camp; for Curio's soldiers, marching
out to battle, were without those things which were requisite for storming a
camp. Curio, therefore, led his army back to the camp, with all his troops safe
except Fabius. Of the enemy about six hundred were killed and a thousand
wounded, all of whom, after Curio's return, and several more, under pretext of
their wounds, but in fact through fear, withdrew from the camp into the town,
which Varus perceiving and knowing the terror of his army, leaving a trumpeter
in his camp and a few tents for show, at the third watch led back his army
quietly into the town.
"caes.civ.2.36": [2.36] The next day Curio resolved to besiege Utica, and to
draw lines about it. In the town there was a multitude of people, ignorant of
war, owing to the length of the peace; some of them Uticans, very well inclined
to Caesar, for his favors to them; the Roman population was composed of persons
differing widely in their sentiments. The terror occasioned by former battles
was very great; and therefore, they openly talked of surrendering, and argued
with Attius that he should not suffer the fortune of them all to be ruined by
his obstinacy. While these things were in agitation, couriers, who had been sent
forward, arrived from king Juba, with the intelligence that he was on his march,
with considerable forces, and encouraged them to protect and defend their city,
a circumstance which greatly comforted their desponding hearts.
"caes.civ.2.37": [2.37] The same intelligence was brought to Curio; but for
some time he could not give credit to it, because he had so great confidence in
his own good fortune. And at this time Caesar's success in Spain was announced
in Africa by messages and letters. Being elated by all these things, he imagined
that the king would not dare to attempt any thing against him. But when he found
out, from undoubted authority, that his forces were less than twenty miles
distant from Utica, abandoning his works, he retired to the Cornelian camp. Here
he began to lay in corn and wood, and to fortify his camp, and immediately
dispatched orders to Sicily, that his two legions and the remainder of his
cavalry should be sent to him. His camp was well adapted for protracting a war,
from the nature and strength of the situation, from its proximity to the sea,
and the abundance of water and salt, of which a great quantity had been stored
up from the neighboring salt-pits. Timber could not fail him from the number of
trees, nor corn, with which the lands abounded. Wherefore, with the general
consent, Curio determined to wait for the rest of his forces, and protract the
war.
"caes.civ.2.38": [2.38] This plan being settled, and his conduct approved of,
he is informed by some deserters from the town that Juba had staid behind in his
own kingdom, being called home by a neighboring war, and a dispute with the
people of Leptis; and that Sabura, his commander-in-chief, who had been sent
with a small force, was drawing near to Utica. Curio rashly believing this
information, altered his design, and resolved to hazard a battle. His youth, his
spirits, his former good fortune and confidence of success, contributed much to
confirm this resolution. Induced by these motives, early in the night he sent
all his cavalry to the enemy's camp near the river Bagrada, of which Sabura, of
whom we have already spoken, was the commander. But the king was coming after
them with all his forces, and was posted at a distance of six miles behind
Sabura. The horse that were sent perform their march that night, and attack the
enemy unawares and unexpectedly; for the Numidians, after the usual barbarous
custom, encamped here and there without any regularity. The cavalry having
attacked them, when sunk in sleep and dispersed, killed a great number of them;
many were frightened and ran away. After which the horse returned to Curio, and
brought some, prisoners with them.
"caes.civ.2.39": [2.39] Curio had set out at the fourth watch with all his
forces, except five cohorts which he left to guard the camp. Having advanced six
miles, he met the horse, heard what had happened and inquired from the captives
who commanded the camp at Bagrada. They replied Sabura. Through eagerness to
perform his journey, he neglected to make further inquiries, but looking back to
the company next him, "Don't you see, soldiers," says he, "that the answer of
the prisoners corresponds with the account of the deserters, that the king is
not with him, and that he sent only a small force which was not able to
withstand a few horse? Hasten then to spoil, to glory; that we may now begin to
think of rewarding you, and returning you thanks." The achievements of the horse
were great in themselves, especially if their small number be compared with the
vast host of Numidians. However, the account was enlarged by themselves, as men
are naturally inclined to boast of their own merit. Besides, many spoils were
produced; the men and horses that were taken were brought into their sight, that
they might imagine that every moment of time which intervened was a delay to
their conquest. By this means the hope of Curio were seconded by the ardor of
the soldiers. He ordered the horse to follow him, and hastened his march, that
he might attack them as soon as possible, while in consternation after their
flight. But the horse, fatigued by the expedition of the preceding night, were
not able to keep up with him, but fell behind in different places. Even this did
not abate Curio's hopes.
"caes.civ.2.40": [2.40] Juba, being informed by Sabura of the battle in the
night, sent to his relief two thousand Spanish and Gallic horse, which he was
accustomed to keep near him to guard his person, and that part of his infantry
on which he had the greatest dependence, and he himself followed slowly after
with the rest of his forces and forty elephants, suspecting that as Curio had
sent his horse before, he himself would follow them. Sabura drew up his army,
both horse and foot, and commanded them to give way gradually and retreat
through the pretense of fear; that when it was necessary he would give them the
signal for battle, and such orders as he found circumstances required. Curio, as
his idea of their present behavior was calculated to confirm his former hopes,
imagined that the enemy were running away, and led his army from the rising
grounds down to the plain.
"caes.civ.2.41": [2.41] And when he had advanced from this place about
sixteen miles, his army being exhausted with the fatigue, he halted. Sabura gave
his men the signal, marshaled his army, and began to go around his ranks and
encourage them. But he made use of the foot only for show; and sent the horse to
the charge: Curio was not deficient in skill, and encouraged his men to rest all
their hopes in their valor. Neither were the soldiers, though wearied, nor the
horse, though few and exhausted with fatigue, deficient in ardor to engage, and
courage: but the latter were in number but two hundred: the rest had dropped
behind on the march. Wherever they charged they forced the enemy to give ground,
but they were not able to pursue them far when they fled, or to press their
horses too severely. Besides, the enemy's cavalry began to surround us on both
wings and to trample down our rear. When any cohorts ran forward out of the
line, the Numidians, being fresh, by their speed avoided our charge, and
surrounded ours when they attempted to return to their post, and cut them off
from the main body. So that it did not appear safe either to keep their ground
and maintain their ranks, or to issue from the line, and run the risk. The
enemy's troops were frequently reinforced by assistance sent from Juba; strength
began to fail our men through fatigue; and those who had been wounded could
neither quit the field nor retire to a place of safety, because the whole field
was surrounded by the enemy's cavalry. Therefore, despairing of their own
safety, as men usually do in the last moment of their lives, they either
lamented their unhappy deaths, or recommended their parents to the survivors, if
fortune should save any from the impending danger. All were full of fear and
grief.
"caes.civ.2.42": [2.42] When Curio perceived that in the general
consternation neither his exhortations nor entreaties were attended to,
imagining that the only hope of escaping in their deplorable situation was to
gain the nearest hills, he ordered the colors to be borne that way. But a party
of horse, that had been sent by Sabura, had already got possession of them. Now
indeed our men were reduced to extreme despair: and some of them were killed by
the cavalry in attempting to escape: some fell to the ground unhurt. Cneius
Domitius, commander of the cavalry, standing round Curio with a small party of
horse, urged Curio to endeavor to escape by flight, and to hasten to his camp;
and assured him that he would not forsake him. But Curio declared that he would
never more appear in Caesar's sight, after losing the army which had been
committed by Caesar, to his charge, and accordingly fought till he was killed.
Very few of the horse escaped from that battle, but those who had staid behind
to refresh their horses having perceived at a distance the defeat of the whole
army, retired in safety to their camp.
"caes.civ.2.43": [2.43] The soldiers were all killed to a man. Marcus Rufus,
the quaestor, who was left behind in the camp by Curio, having got intelligence
of these things, encouraged his men not to be disheartened. They beg and entreat
to be transported to Sicily. He consented, and ordered the masters of the ships
to have all the boats brought close to the shore early in the evening. But so
great was the terror in general, that some said that Juba's forces were marching
up, others that Varus was hastening with his legions, and that they already saw
the dust raised by their coming; of which not one circumstance had happened:
others suspected that the enemy's fleet would immediately be upon them.
Therefore in the general consternation, every man consulted his own safety.
Those who were on board of the fleet, were in a hurry to set sail, and their
flight hastened the masters of the ships of burden. A few small fishing boats
attended their duty and his orders. But as the shores were crowded, so great was
the struggle to determine who of such a vast number should first get on board,
that some of the vessels sank with the weight of the multitude, and the fears of
the rest delayed them from coming to the shore.
"caes.civ.2.44": [2.44] From which circumstances it happened that a few foot
and aged men, that could prevail either through interest or pity, or who were
able to swim to the ships, were taken on board, and landed safe in Sicily. The
rest of the troops sent their centurions as deputies to Varus at night, and
surrendered themselves to him. But Juba the next day having spied their cohorts
before the town, claimed them as his booty, and ordered great part of them to be
put to the sword; a few he selected and sent home to his own realm. Although
Varus complained that his honor was insulted by Juba, yet he dare not oppose
him: Juba rode on horseback into the town, attended by several senators, among
whom were Servius Sulpicius and Licinius Damasippus, and in a few days arranged
and ordered what he would have done in Utica, and in a few days more returned to
his own kingdom, with all his forces.
End of Book 2